What is Hobbies Essay Example for Free

What is Hobbies Essay Hobbies are things you do in your spare time, this can take the form of anything that you are interested in, it should be invigorating and also be a form of relaxation, hobbies can also educational, enjoyable fun to perform and exciting. A hobby should be something you take pleasure in doing, something that you are good at, positively motivating and at no time be boring or depressing neither too stressful as this will create negative emotions. Some hobbies are social events in which you participate and interact with a team or friends and some are considered personal whereby you reflect and enjoy by yourself. People have multiple hobbies in which they participate in some of my hobbies are reading, cycling, fishing, football, dancing, cricket and motor racing. I use reading for academic elevation, to increase my knowledge making me more educated. This acts as a form of relaxation and is good to maintain mental sharpness and keep the brain active in turn assist me to be a better writer. This is one of my personal hobbies and is enjoyed in the silence of my home or by the seaside under a shady tree. The choice of cycling is both relaxing and to keep the body fit and healthy as we know health is very important aspect of life. Hobbies and why there are important Free Essay, Term Paper and Book Report A hobby can take you out of your life for a while. It can be invigorating, relaxing, educational, fun, or maybe, if you are lucky, a little of everything. Hobbies are more than just ways to creatively pass the time. They are also good for your health. Hobbies and other leisure activities can have many health benefits.Everyone knows that stress can and will at some point in your life, take a heavy toll on your mind and body. A hobby can prevent the harmful effects of stress and also make your life richer and more rewarding. There is evidence that staying mentally active may actually help prevent Hobbies can also help us feel connected.

Urea Recycling in Ruminants

Urea Recycling in Ruminants Animals have a certain state of protein metabolism, varying from negative to positive protein balances. This balance level is influenced e.g. by the efficiency of nitrogen (N) utilization in animals. A simple strategy to increase the efficiency of N utilization is by reducing the N content in the feed converted to urea, for which a correlation of about r2=0.77 was found. However, this was mainly based on studies with mature or slow growing, small ruminants in which most of the absorbed N is converted to urea to maintain the N balance of the whole body close to zero (Lapierre and Lobley, 2001). More recent and extensive data show much weaker correlations between N intake and urea production for growing sheep (r2=0.33) and cattle (r2=0.58). Moreover, this strategy is not always realizable due to minimal absolute N requirements in animal feed, especially for growing animals. In addition to N intake, the protein balance level is influenced by the efficiency of N recycling in animals, especially in ruminants. Nitrogen recycling takes place between blood and the digestive tract in the form of endogenous protein-N, secreted-N (e.g. enzymes in saliva) and urea-N (Reynolds and Kristensen, 2008). In this chapter, the recycling of urea-N is explained. Amino acids and ammonia, which are absorbed from the digestive tract, are converted to urea in the liver. Urea (re)enters the digestive tract, mainly through the rumen wall, where it can be absorbed again or be (re)used for microbial protein synthesis and finally anabolic purposes. Amino acids and ammonia are absorbed into the portal bloodstream and converted into urea in the liver (ureagenesis). Urea can reenter the rumen, where it can be absorbed (again) or be used for microbial protein synthesis. Absorption of amino acids and ammonia Urea is the mammalian end-product of the amino acid metabolism. In the rumen, proteins are degraded into amino acids and finally into ammonia (NH3) by means of rumen fermentation (Shingu et al., 2007). Then, absorption of both amino acids and NH3 through the rumen wall and entrance into the portal circulation to the liver can take place (figure 3.1). The NH3 absorption depends on the pH and the ratio of NH3 to NH4 in the rumen (Siddons et al., 1985). Ureagenesis In the liver, detoxification of NH3 takes place, because urea is synthesized from the nitrogen (N) compound of both NH3 and amino acids (which appear in the portal circulation due to absorption from the intestine into the blood) (Obitsu and Taniguchi, 2009). The synthesis of urea, called ureagenesis, takes place by means of the urea or ornithine cycle. This cycle of biochemical reactions occurs in many animals that produce urea ((NH2)2CO) from ammonia (NH3), mainly in the liver and to a lesser extent in the kidney. The key compound is ornithine, which acts as a carrier on which the urea molecule is built up. At the end of the reaction sequence, urea is released by the hydrolysis of arginine, yielding ornithine to start the cycle again (Bender, 2008). Mitochondrial ammonia and cytosolic aspartate are precursors for the ornithine cycle (Van den Borne et al., 2006). The presence of arginine is needed to produce ornithine in the body, so higher levels of this amino acid should increase o rnithine production. Furthermore, ornithine, citrulline and arginine (all components of the ornithine cycle) seem to stimulate urea synthesis, with a concurrent decrease in plasma ammonia. Temporarily high ammonia fluxes seem to stimulate amino acid utilization for ureagenesis (Milano and Lobley, 2001). Urea is produced in the liver in greater amounts than which is eliminated in the urine. This is because urea from the liver is released to the blood circulation and then, next to excretion in the urine also is reabsorbed in the distal renal tubules, where it maintains an osmotic gradient for the reabsorption of water (Bender, 2008). Furthermore, urea from the blood can re-enter the digestive tract via saliva, secretions or directly across the rumen wall in the form of endogenous proteins or urea respectively (Lapierre and Lobley, 2001; Shingu et al., 2007; Obitsu and Taniguchi, 2009). Thus not all urea is secreted directly into the urine after entering the bloodstream. Entry into digestive tract Entry of urea into the digestive tract is, until certain concentrations (sheep: 6 mM (= 84 mg/L); cattle: 4 mM (= 56 mg/L) (Harmeyer and Martens, 1980; cattle: 80 mg/L (Kennedy and Milligan, 1978)) partly affected by plasma urea concentrations (Harmeyer and Martens, 1980). Above these concentrations, boundary layer effects with NH3 inhibit the urea entry into the digestive tract (Lapierre and Lobey, 2001). Urease activity is lower with increased NH3 concentrations and N intake (Marini et al., 2004). This inhibits the entry of urea into the digestive tract (Kennedy and Milligan, 1978). Thus high ammonia concentrations in the rumen result in a lower gut entry rate (Kennedy and Milligan, 1978; Bunting et al., 1989a). Urea, which flows from the blood into the rumen and enters the digestive tract, is hydrolyzed by bacterial urease to carbon dioxide (CO2) and ammonia (NH3) (figure 3.1). NH3 can be either reabsorbed into the blood or be used as N source for microbial protein synthesis or microbial growth (Sarraseca et al., 1998; Shingu et al., 2007). This latter process may provide a mechanism for the salvage of urea-N into bacterial protein which can be digested and yields amino acids to the animal when they are absorbed in the lower parts of the digestive tract. Thus, urea nitrogen incorporated in microbial protein and possibly absorbed in the gut gets a second chance for absorption and deposition/anabolic purposes. Therefore, urea recycling can be regarded as a mechanism with positive effects at the protein balance of ruminants. Gut entry location and gut entry rate (GER) The gut entry rate (GER) of urea is simply the amount of urea N recycled into the digestive tract. The amount of urea which entered the digestive tract that can be used for anabolic purposes depends e.g. on the gut entry location (Lapierre and Lobley, 2001). Urea appears to enter all parts of the digestive tract, including via saliva and pancreatic juice, but with different rates. The GER could be influenced by the concentration gradient of urea between the plasma and the fluids in the digestive tract (Harmeyer and Martens, 1980). The concentration gradient is again dependent on the activity of ureolytic bacteria and could therefore be influenced by diverse bacteria-influencing compounds in the feed. Also, the presence of carrier mediated, facilitative urea transport mechanisms have been reported in the ovine colon and rumen epithelia (Ritzhaupt et al., 1997). The carrier mediated, facilitative urea transporters in the ovine colon and rumen epithelia permit bi-directional flows (Ritz haupt et al., 1997), and thus may the total gut entry rate (GER) be underestimated if urea molecules are reabsorbed without being metabolized (Lapierre and Lobley, 2001). Post-stomach tissues can greatly influence the (GER) (up to 70%), but their contribution to potential anabolic salvage of N is not certain. The majority of conversions of urea into anabolic compounds occur in the fore-stomach, mainly the rumen (Kennedy and Milligan, 1980). As summarized by Lapierre and Lobley (2001), in sheep, the part of the total gut urea entry (GER) transferred to the rumen varies from 27 to 60% (Kennedy and Milligan, 1978) and 27 to 54% (Siddons et al., 1985) depending on type of diet. This proportion seems to increase when animals get high levels of rumen-degradable energy in feed (Lapierre and Lobley, 2001; Theuer et al., 2002). Also saliva contributes to the total urea entry into the rumen, depending on the type of diet ingested. E.g. this proportion varies extensively from 15 (Kennedy and Milligan, 1978) to almost 100% (Norton et al., 1978) in sheep. It has been found in growing beef steers that forage diets, e.g. alfalfa hay, result in higher proportions of saliva entering the gut (36% of GER) (Taniguchi et al., 1995) compared to high concentrate diets (17% of GER) (Guerino et al., 1991). Thus the fore-stomachs are important for the anabolic salvage of N, however, this depends on the type of feed ingested (and animal species). Small intestine Also the small intestine contributes to the anabolic salvage of N. It has been found in sheep that 37 and 48% of the total GER of urea entered the small intestine in case of grass silage and dried grass, respectively (Siddons et al., 1985). However, the quantities of anabolic N formed may by small, e.g. because ammonia production seems to exceed urea entry across the small intestine, although this depends on the type of feed ingested (Lapierre and Lobley, 2001). Hindgut Likely most microbial protein synthesized from urea that enters the hindgut is excreted. All the evidence so far would suggest that hindgut usage of urea involves only catabolic fates, at least in terms of amino acids supply to the animal (Lapierre and Lobley, 2001). Fate of urea that enters the digestive tract Urea that enters the gut by means of saliva or flowing through the gut wall can be used for anabolic purposes or is transformed into ammonia and returned to the liver (Lapierre and Lobley, 2001). Much of the NH3 in the GI tract is reabsorbed and used in the liver for the synthesis of glutamate and glutamine, and then a variety of other nitrogenous compounds (Bender, 2008). Urea-N that entered the gut contributed for 33% of the rumen ammonia flux in sheep offered dried grass, while this percentage was lower in case of grass silage (Siddons et al., 1985). Lapierre and Lobley (2001), based on several references, summarized that sheep, dairy cows and growing steers have a efficient reuse of N because urea-N atoms can return to the gut on more than one occasion. This increases the overall probability of appropriation towards an anabolic fate. This multiple-recycling process can result in improvements of 22 to 49% of GER used for anabolic purposes in both cattle and sheep (Lapierre and Lobley, 2001). A substantial proportion of urea that enters the digestive tract is returned to the body as ammonia in both sheep (32 to 52%; Sarreseca et al., 1998) and cattle (26 to 41%; Archibeque et al., 2001). This means that a large proportion of net ammonia absorption across the PDV is due to recycled N, rather than arising directly from ingested N. These anabolic and ca tabolic fates of urea then explain why net appearances of amino acid-N and ammonia across the PDV can equal or exceed apparent digestible-N (Lapierre and Lobley, 2001). The net result of all these N transactions is that the apparent conversion of digestible N into net absorbed amino acid N can be high, with individual values of 27 to 279% calculated for both cattle and sheep. These efficiencies are lower (24 to 58%) when other inputs are considered, mainly the urea-N inflow into the rumen. Apparent digestible N represents the net available N to the animal and thus the amino acid absorption cannot normally exceed this unless other N sources like amino acids obtained due to catabolism (released on a net basis during submaintenance intake) or urea recycling. N recycling via the digestive tract increases the opportunity for catabolism N to be reconverted to an anabolic product. This recycling can be considered analogous to the synthesis and breakdown of proteins within tissues, where th e dynamic flow maintains metabolic fluidity with minimum loss (see figure †¦; Lapierre and Lobley, 2001). SUMMARIZED UREA RECYCLING KINETICS Thus, urea-N kinetics can, as an approximation, be considered as a mechanism, where hepatic synthesis is similar to digested N, with one-third lost via the kidneys into urine, while the remaining two-thirds is returned to the digestive tract. Half of this is then reconverted to anabolic N (mainly amino acids) that can be reabsorbed and used for productive purposes. Most of the remaining half of GER is reabsorbed as ammonia that is reconverted to urea and can be further re-partitioned between urinary loss and GER (see figure†¦). The process thus allows conversion of a catabolic products (urea-N) into anabolic forms, contains these for longer within the body, and provides the animal with increased opportunities to utilize products derived from dietary N (Lapierre and Lobley, 2001). Figure†¦ Urea recycling: values in circles represent the fraction of hepatic ureagenesis destined either for urinary output or to gut entry rate (GER); values in rectangles represent the fractions of gut entry rate lost in feces, returned as ammonia to the hepatic ornithine cycle or converted to anabolic products (mainly amino acid N). Thus, on average, 33% of hepatic urea-N flux is eliminated in urine while 67% enters the various sites of the digestive tract. Of this latter N, 10% is lost in feces, 40% is reabsorbed directly as ammonia, while the remaining 50% is reabsorbed as anabolic-N sources (mainly AAs). Data are simplified means for steers, dairy cows and sheep (from Archibeque et al., 2001; Sarraseca et al., 1998; summarized by Lapierre and Lobley, 2001) Efficiency of N utilization In both cattle and sheep, the inefficient use of intake-N is associated with large ammonia absorption representing on average 0.46 and 0.47 of N available from the lumen of the gut (digestible N plus urea-N entry across the PDV) (Lapierre and Lobley, 2001). As mentioned earlier, one strategy is to reduce the amount of N directed towards ammonia absorption and hepatic ureagenesis, but the situation is more complex than that. The target of reduction of ammonia absorption has to be integrated in a wider context where this decrease would result 1) from a smaller degradation of dietary N into the rumen or 2) from an increased utilization of rumen ammonia for microbial protein synthesis. Lowered N degradation can result from diet manipulation. Lapierre and Lobley (2001) summarized from several studies that cattle fed concentrate-based diets had decreased ammonia absorption, both in absolute amounts and relative to digested N, compared with forage rations. Increased utilization of N for bac terial synthesis can also be influenced by dietary manipulation, particularly provision of additional energy. From several studies, it can be concluded that supplements of rumen fermentable energy sources increase the transfer of urea into the rumen, and therefore the capture of dietary N and GER into anabolic products, mainly amino acids. However, there appear to be upper limits to the overall efficiency of the process (Lapierre and Lobley, 2001). The limited data available suggest that a maximum of 50 to 60% of dietary N, or 70 to 90% of apparently digested N, will be converted into amino acids released into the portal vein. Energy sources may also improve utilization of dietary and urea-N by less direct means, e.g. by energy-sparing effects within the cells of the gut tissues rather than alteration of rumen fermentation (Lapierre and Lobley, 2001). Intrarumen recycling Recycling of N can also occur within the rumen, due to the presence of proteolytic bacterial and protozoa. These graze and digest the rumen bacteria, increasing ammonia content and release within the rumen, and reducing microbial N outflow within the rumen because of increased recycling of bacteria (Lapierre and Lobley, 2001). Thus changes in the microbial population of the rumen can have substantial effect on anabolic N flow. Such modifications of the rumen microflora may contribute to the differences in N recycling and conversion to amino acids that occur between diets and animal species (Lapierre and Lobley, 2001). Amino acid supply In many circumstances, inefficiencies for conversion of feed N to animal protein may not be a feature of total amino acid supply, but rather depend more on the profile of absorbed amino acids. Hereby you can think of e.g. limiting essential amino acids. In short the definition of urea recycling is: the flow of urea from the blood into the digestive tract so that urea nitrogen salvage could happen. Figure †¦ Use of [15N15N] urea and isotopomer analysis of urinary [15N15N], [14N15N] and [14N14N] urea to quantify flows and fates of urea that enters the digestive tract. Part of the infused [15N15N]urea enters the digestive tract were it can be excreted in the faeces or is hydrolyzed to [15N]ammonia. This latter is either used by the microbial population to synthesize bacterial proteins ([15N]) or it is absorbed directly as [15N]ammonia. [15N]ammonia is removed by the liver were [15N14N]urea is formed. The ratio of [14N15N]:[14N14N]urea in the urine reflects the proportion of urea flux that is converted to ammonia in the digestive tract and returned directly to the hepatic ornithine cycle (Lapierre and Lobley, 2001). The utilities of urea recycling Both ruminants and non-ruminants, including omnivores, have a mechanism in which urea produced by the liver can enter the intestinal tract and where it is used for microbial protein production or urea production. However, the amount of urea recycled in ruminants is in much larger proportions compared to non-ruminants, which emphasizes the importance of urea recycling in ruminants (Lapierre and Lobley, 2001). Next to reducing feed costs (due to the lower dietary N contents required), there are three important reasons to obtain a good and efficient urea recycling in ruminants (Huntington and Archibeque, 1999): Maximization of the microbial functioning in the rumen; Optimization of the amino acid supply to the host ruminant improvements of adaptation; Minimization of the negative effects of nitrogen excretion into the environment. Maximization of microbial functioning In ruminants, synthesis of urea by the liver can exceed apparent digestible N. This would result in a negative N balance (even at high intakes) if no salvage mechanism existed to recover some of this N (Lapierre and Lobley, 2001). Recycling of urea synthesized in the liver can provide a substantial contribution to available N for the gut. Lapierre and Lobley (2001) summarized that this can increase the digestible N inflow from 43 to 85% in growing steers, 50 to 60% in dairy cows and 86 to 130% in growing sheep. Moreover, in veal calves shifts the major origin of absorbable amino acids in the small intestine after weaning from milk protein to microbial protein (Obitsu and Taniguchi, 2009). With this, it is important to realize that a higher level of urea recycling results in a higher production of microbial protein. This protein source will be largely used for anabolic uses and performance which will result, on the long term, in improved production efficiency (Lapierre and Lobley, 200 1). What urea-N recycling does is to increase N transfers through the body to convert more of the N into anabolic form and thus acts as a conservation mechanism. Therefore, the combined inflows of dietary N and urea GER can be considered analogous to protein turnover within the body, where the anabolic and catabolic processes of synthesis and degradation greatly exceed inputs (intake) and outputs (oxidation and gain). This is believed to provide an overall plasticity to allow rapid response to any challenges or changes in metabolic status. Optimization of amino acid supply adaptation As a consequence of the salvage mechanism to recover some N, nitrogen and urea recycling in ruminants are important regarding the adaptation to different environmental (living) circumstances but mainly to nutritional conditions. Examples are periods of dietary protein deficiency or an asynchronous supply of carbohydrates and proteins (Reynolds and Kristensen, 2008). Ammonia and microbial protein produced in the gut and urea synthesized in the liver are major components in N-recycling transactions (Obitsu and Taniguchi, 2009). An increase in the total urea flux, caused by the return to the ornithine cycle from the gut entry, is considered to serve as a labile N pool in the whole body to permit metabolic plasticity under a variety of physiological (productive), environmental and nutritional conditions (Obitsu and Taniguchi, 2009; Lapierre and Lobley, 2001). Therefore, ruminant species have different characteristics of their urea recycling due to different living conditions varying from tropical conditions with poor quality feed to intensive systems in temperate/cold conditions with high quality feed. High ambient temperatures seem to increase urea production but reduce urea gut entry (Obitsu and Taniguchi, 2009). Minimization of N excretion into the environment Finally, a more efficient urea recycling in ruminants results in a less urea-N excretion in the urine. This is will minimize the negative effects of nitrogen excretion into the environment (Huntington and Archibeque, 1999).

Social Work Planning for Child Abandonement

Social Work Planning for Child Abandonement Since the earliest times of humanity, the social issue of childhood abandonment, and further the social planning for this problem, has been a reality. The issue, although a fairly common occurrence in society, is a rather understudied trend. Additionally, children are a particularly vulnerable population who are often thought to be the property of their parents. This fact alone makes children of less importance in research as they are thought to be under the care and guidance of their mother and/or father. On the contrary, however, most prevalently documented in existing reports on children is the variations of abuse and neglect, even though physical abandonment is just as relevant, if not more important. For example, Who speaks for Joshua? was a question raised by Supreme Court Justice Harry Blackmun in his discussion of the plight of three-year-old Joshua DeShaney who had been beaten by his parents until permanently disabled (Ashby, 1997). What people should be asking, but arent, i s who speaks for the millions of orphans? Adults can speak for them, of course, but with varying interests and agendas and usually not within the interest of the actual children (Ashby, 1997). There is a much stronger focus on the physical, sexual, and emotional abuse of children than on their complete desertion. This problem is of particular importance because the number of children looking for families in orphanages, foster care, and on the streets is astonishing. It is also concerning that the children who are orphans have no control over their current situation, destiny, or fate. Sociological research has shown family to be one of the most important foundations of life; it is the first social group an individual is a part of, and the impact of the family system on an individual is crucial and wide-ranging. Social workers should better acquaint themselves with the issue of social planning for abandoned children to improve the current and future practice and policy in this area. Introduction Currently there is no one central source which monitors the number of children abandoned across America (Edwards, 2000). While the parental reasons for abandonment are wide ranging, the act of desertion most often results in the child becoming a responsibility of the state, in a child welfare agency, or can at times end in death. Childhood abandonment does not have one clear all inclusive definition. The act of abandonment itself can be as harsh as leaving a child on a door step, in front of a hospital or church, or simply leaving them on the streets to fend for themselves. It could also be seen as parents neglect of a child over an extended period of time (Mason, 2009, p. 29). While the issue of childhood abandonment remains a vast problem in itself, the social planning for abandoned children is also of immense concern. Children can no longer fend for themselves on the streets; orphanages and foundling homes are not sufficient for the individuals attention and stimulation either (Bu rstein, 1981). Thus, the move from the streets to foster care, relative guardianships, or adoptive families is necessary, yet remains extremely difficult for a variety of reasons to this day. There are many problems and difficulties encountered within orphanages, foster care, and ultimately the adoption of a dependent child that need be addressed by current policy. History The social issue of childhood abandonment has been prevalent throughout history and is quite possibly the most extreme form of child neglect. There have been accounts in ancient Greece, from the Hebrews, from Europe and many other ancient civilizations (Burnstein, 1981). In the book History of Childhood (1974), author Lloyd Demause, concluded that love for children did not exist in ancient society; he stated child abandonment was common among the poor until the fourth-century B.C. Perhaps one of the earliest documentations of child physical abandonment is with Moses, who was left by his mother in a conscious effort to save his life (Burnstein, 1981, p. 214). Childhood abandonment can be seen in virtually every society. As early as the colonization of North America, homeless, orphaned children were already running rampant. As much of the literature illustrates, social planning for childhood abandonment was not considered a problem until the nineteenth-century. LeRoy Ashby notes in his book Endangered Children: Dependency Neglect and Abuse in American History (1997), concerns about endangered and needy children have been particularly evident during times of social stress (p. 2). He also notes that most often those who discovered childhood abandonment were only concerned of the disorder and squalor of the growing cities and not the children themselves (Ashby, 1997). This is because children were the hope-or threat-of the future and thus need to be protected (Trattner, 1998). The recognition of neglect like child abandonment was not seen in North America for some time, mostly due to the fact that children remained indentured servants and property of their parents; childhood was not considered a crucial development phase (Trattner, 1998). A transformative view of children came in the 1700s when society beg an to see children as innocents whoà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦deserved special attention and protection (Ashby, 1997, p.16). Much of the initial response by the colonies in child welfare matters was the result of the 1601 Elizabethan Poor Law, which had significant implications for dependent children (Ashby, 1997). Similarly, the doctrine of parens patriae affirmed the state is the ultimate parent of every child (Ratliff, 2000). However, throughout the colonial and early national times, the extent of laws against child neglect crimes, and furthermore social planning for dependent children, remained rather unclear. Some literature suggests that abandoned children have always been a concern in this country, but this fact is not well documented. The social problem of planning for these neglected children is not well recorded or detailed by any particular person or group of individuals seeing as its existence dates as far back to the earliest man. From the time of mans arrival in the western world, indenture and outdoor relief dominated the seventeenth- and eighteenth-centuries policies regarding child dependency (Ashby, 1997, p. 14). However, for orphan and needy children in the 1700s, officials, fellow citizens, and familial networks responded with sympathy and concern; although their first interest remained with their own families and affairs (Ashby, 1997). Almshouses were established few and far between in the 1700s as small, emergency-only, traditional forms of child welfare (Ashby, 1997). The introduction of such almshouses and orphanages demonstrated that, by the nineteenth-century, new res ponses to child dependency were apparent. Many social work researchers would attribute the recognition of the social planning for dependent children to early-nineteenth century reformers who saw children as the possibility for constructive altruism (Trattner, 1998, p. 108). It was at this time that the child welfare movement swept into the beginning of the twentieth-century (Trattner, 1998). Although indenture systems were the way of early colonial times, they also contained suggestions of child welfare strategies which integrated a shift in values towards foster care and adoption (Ashby, 1997). Values Societal Institutional Arrangements Values played a large role in identifying both the problem and possible resolutions with the issue of social planning for abandoned children in early America. First, the sensitive realization of children as more than property has been essential to the steps toward planning for dependent, neglected children. A change in early America came when society began to recognize children as posing a sort of social problem [that can]à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦produce legal responses (Dingwall, Eekelaar, Murray, 1984, p. 208). Charles Brace, the nineteenth-centurys most effective helper of children on the streets, was quoted in saying the child, most of all, needs individual care and sympathy (Olasky, 1994, p. 46). Although Brace is cited much more recently in the literature on dependent child, his thoughts and values are the same upon which the first institutions combating child dependency were founded. In addition, Fredrich Froebel posed that children needed to exercise their minds and bodies (Trattner, 1998, p. 111). Reformers began initiating institutions, such as the orphan asylum, as a solution for the mounting crisis of parentless children (Ashby, 1997). Society had finally begun to recognize the special needs of children and unearthed a new concern for the best interests of the child. The recognition of family values and the family as an elemental social institution also helped interventions, which came about on behalf of the welfare of the child. Charles Braces goal was to find adoptive homes for the orphans to get them under the combination of love and discipline that parents can provide (Olasky, 1994, p. 46). Childhood abandonment is actually first mentioned in the literature in relation to providing basic care for parentless children (Burnstein, 1981, p. 214). Herein lies the fact that social planning for abandoned children has been an issue for many years. In 1729 the first orphanages in the United States were founded by nuns to provide care for a group of children whose parents died in an Indian massacre (Lewis Solnit, 1975). This institution, as well as many others that have since developed, served as a somewhat replacement family for poor neglected children. In some instances, almshouses served to keep poverty stricken families together, allowing families , most often mothers and children, to sleep in the same ward (Ashby, 1997). Many more social agencies similar to these were formed all over North America throughout the 1800s. Another value set forth in this revolutionizing era was that of reforming poverty and unrest in society. Children sheltered in the orphanages were supposed to learn virtue and pietyà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦industry and cleanliness, they were educated and taught the importance of hard work (Ashby, 1997, p. 17). Religious values were also on the rise at this time; evangelical religious beliefs and humanitarian attitudes began sweeping across America (Trattner, 1998). Of the 150 orphanages founded between 1820 and 1850, nearly all were tied to religious groups (Ashby, 1997). The combination of the familial, societal, and religious values assisted in the institutions established for the abandoned children in society. Both the values and social institutional arrangements have influenced the understanding of this problem. Family, one of the most fundamental institutional arrangements for a young impressionable child, is nonexistent to an orphan. This has contributed to our understanding that each child is entitled to grow up within a family, they need a safe, nurturing environment with at least one adult figure (Rosenberg, 1992, p. 171). As a society that respects the welfare of children, it is thus the responsibility of individuals to set up well-running safe havens for these orphans. Furthermore, it is societys responsibility to provide the utmost care and protection for neglected, dependent children; whether this is in an orphanage, foster care, or with an adoptive family (Rosenberg, 1992). Due to the familial focus of the almshouses and orphanages, society further realizes that these small, drab institutions are no place for a dependent child to spend their entire young life. Institutions set f orth to house dependent children, as described previously, were intended to provide basic care for parentless children. Furthermore, it thus comes to ones attention that these institutions can quickly become overcrowded and fall short of a real family. Many almshouses, as described by historians and social work researchers, were vile catchalls for victims of every sort of misery [and] misfortuneà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦herded together and badly mistreated (Trattner, 1998, p. 113). In fact, most orphanages began as temporary homes for children who had lost one or both parents (Ashby, 1997). This raises the question of what to do once institutions wont suffice as home to an orphaned child or is not a safe place for a youth to reside in; the issues with social planning for orphaned children are wide-ranging and never ceasing. Our understanding, therefore, is that the social planning for dependent children needs revamping. Further Descriptions of the Problem The problem of childhood abandonment affects over 400 million children who live on their own on the streets of hundreds of cities around the world (ISK). The Department of Social Welfare and Development documents over 100 abandoned children turned over to them every 2 months (100 kids abandoned every 2 months). It has also been recorded that a child becomes an orphan every 2 seconds, leaving the number of dependent children looking for families and homes at an alarming, increasing rate (ISK). The population most affected by the social planning for abandoned children is most directly the orphans themselves; however, the problem also affects society at large. With an ever increasing number of dependents, the state has an obligation to care for the growing number of parentless children. Organizations and institutions must sustain their moral values and keep up their work while at the same time receiving and/or raising adequate funds (Rosenberg, 1992). Agencies can often wither away from lack of finances and loss of morale; it is important to remember the welfare of the child and attempt to sustain almshouses, orphanages, and foster homes (Dingwall, Eekelaar, Murray, 1984). Mothers of abandoned children are also being affected, psychologically and emotionally, dealing with the loss of a child they could not afford, did not plan for, or simply could not keep. The future of society is also affected, many fear that if the practice and policy surrounding child welfare does not improve, it is feared that the destiny of America is a national catastrophe; after all, children, even dependent, neglected, and poor children, are todays future (Trattner, 1998). The problem of social planning for abandoned children is namely impacted socioeconomically, by societal values, and by power, or lack thereof. The problem of childhood abandonment tends to persist most often when mothers are frightened that they simply cannot provide for their offspring (Burnstein, 1981). In this case, they will desert the child due to a lack of resources to sustain the childs well-being. Similarly, the state struggles to afford the cost of the ever increasing number of orphans who are turned over to their care (Dingwall, Eekelaar, Murray, 1984). The issue is initially presented, however, because society values family and the protection of parentless children. Furthermore, lack of power in society, related with economic problems can create a less than desirable outcome for caring for these dependent children. Varying child welfare agencies including almshouses and orphanages have continually struggled for funds to support orphan children, and furthermore, foster hom es are few and far between for a variety of reasons. There is a serious lack of families willing and wanting to adopt, therefore leaving orphans to permanently reside in institutions that were meant to be only temporary. The problem of social planning for the abandoned child originated mainly because of the lack of sufficient funds and the power to raise these funds. It is difficult to make a difference, or even bring the problem to the attention of powerful individuals that could make a difference, thus perpetuating the issue. Societal values, as mentioned before, have contributed to the impact of childhood abandonment; family values and the welfare of society are both concerns that sparked the onset of social planning for dependent, neglected children (Ashby, 1997). Societys Response to the Problem In response to the problem of social planning for abandoned children society has long had a desire to help the immense number of boys and girls floating and drifting about our streets (Ashby, 1997, p. 39). In terms of governmental action, several policies have been designed to remedy the social problem. From the year 1641, legislation has continually been passed to protect the rights and lives of innocent dependent children (Ashby, 1997). In the 1700s dependent children and orphans were not cared for but, on the other hand, were considered indentured work for families (Ashby, 1997). The first establishment of orphanages, as stated previously, came about from religious institutions in the 1800s; half a century later, concern about growing up in orphanages, private agencies began placing orphans in foster families (Murray Gesiriech, 2004). Starting in the early 1900s, the first state laws preventing child abuse and neglect were passed and the first federal childrens bureau was establi shed (Murray Gesiriech, 2004). Mainly, the transformation of social services at the start of the early 1960s has affected the social planning for dependent children (Gilbert Terrell, 2010). Since the first gain of financial support in 1962, there have been changes concerning social allocations, both selective and universal, aid in functioning and economic independence in families, income maintenance, and financial grants for services (Gilbert Terrell, 2010). However, most of the continual of these policies focus has been on maintaining the family unit (Gilbert Terrell, 2010). The Social Security Act of 1935 authorized the first federal grants for child welfare services, under what later came to be known as Subpart 1 of Title IV-B of the Social Security Act (Murray Gesiriech, 2004). More recently, in 2008, the Fostering Connections to Success and Increasing Adoptions Act of 2008, P.L. 110-351 was enacted. The purpose of the Act is to amend certain aspects of Title IV-B (Aid to Families with Dependent Children) of the Social Security Act in order to connect and support relative caregivers, improve outcomes for children in foster care, provide for tribal foster care and adoption access, improve incentives for adoption, and for other purposes (Fostering Connections to Success and Increasing Adoptions Act of 2008). The major provisions of the Act are as follows: Allowed states to provide payments, and Medicaid, for kinship guardianship assistance under title IV-E for children whose relatives were taking legal guardianship and hence removing them from foster care Provided stricter criminal background checks, including child abuse and neglect registry checks of relative guardians, and adults living in the guardians home. Allowed services to continue for youth who left foster care, kinship guardianship, or adoption after age 16 by amending the Chafee Foster Care Independence Program Helped at-risk children in foster care reconnect with family members through a variety of programs authorized by grants to state, local, and tribal child welfare agencies and Doubled the incentive payment amounts for special needs adoptions to $4,000 and older child adoptions to $8,000 by extending the Adoption Incentive Program to the year 2013 Obliged child welfare agencies to notify all adult relatives of a child within 30 days of their removal and inform them of the options to become a placement resource for the child, and also required siblings to attempt to be put in the same placement Required that all children receiving foster care, adoption, or guardianship payment to be enlisted in school full-time unless they were otherwise incapable due to a documented medical condition Demanded the integration of healthcare services for children in foster care, including dental services and mental health Required that caseworkers develop a personalized transition plan as directed by the child, 90 days prior to the childs emancipation (Fostering Connections to Success and Increasing Adoptions Act of 2008) The coordination and focus of this policy, along with other statutes currently in place to combat the issue of social planning for abandoned children alleviates some of the adverse effects on the children. In conclusion, the problem of the increasing number of abandoned children is neither a new issue, nor is the concern of social planning for orphans something newly relevant to the times. The historical overview of the social problem, including who first identified the issue, can provide a context with which to understand and provide groundwork for new directions possible in practice and policy. By examining the role of values and societal institutional arrangements, the problem can be better understood and combatted.

Men of Respect and Macbeth Essay -- Compare Contrast Respect Macbeth E

Men of Respect and Macbeth   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  In 1991, William Shakespeare’s great play â€Å"Macbeth† was re-created into a modern day version titled â€Å"Men of Respect.† Was the plays textual fidelity lost in transition during the making of the film, or did the film show total loyalty and devotion to the text and the feelings of the play? A closer examination of the characters/lines, classification between good and evil, and the use of light and dark will compare the many differences and similarities between William Shakespeare’s â€Å"Macbeth† and William Reilly’s â€Å"Men of Respect.†   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Set in present day New York (present as in 1991), the various warring kingdoms of the play become organized crime factions in the film, King Duncan becoming the "padrino" or godfather of the main "family," Charlie Di'Mico. His chief lieutenant, Mikey Bataglia is, of course, the corollary to the treacherous Macbeth. The character of Lady Macbeth (Ruthie Bataglia) remains instinctive yet ruthless in her goal to get Mikey to become the â€Å"padrino.† William Reilly at times stuck to Shakespeare’s original version word for word. Other lines were re-worked for the modern audience, such as Lady Macbeth’s speech that states â€Å"They have made themselves, and their fitness now does unmake you. I had given suck, and know how tender ‘tis to love the bebe that milks me: I would, while it was smiling in my face, Have pluck’d my nipple from his boneless gums, and dash’d the brains out, had I so sworn as you have done this.† (A ct...

Alligators Essay -- Animals, Environment, Hunters

The American alligator scientific name is Alligator mississippiensis. The Chinese alligator is the only other alligator in the alligator family and its scientific name is alligator sinensis. The American alligator is in the kingdom Animalia because it is an animal. The phylum is chordate because it has vertebrae. The American alligator is in the class reptilia because it is cold blooded, lays shelled eggs, scaly skin and breaths air. Alligators are in the order crocodilian because it is a large animal that appeared during the Cambrian stage. The American alligator is in the family alligator idea because it has larger, broader snouts, and can withstand colder temperatures. The genus is alligator and the species is Mississippiensis (Florida nature,2006). The American alligators have many physical characteristics. Their size ranges from six to twelve feet. A full grown male can weigh up to one thousand and two hundred pounds. The American alligator has a long round snout with nostrils at the end. An alligator has two eyes towards the top of its head. Also alligators have a long thin body that has four legs and a long tail (EDIS, 2009) The American alligator lives in wetlands in southeastern United States from North Carolina to Texas. Wetlands are areas of standing water such as bogs, swamps, ponds, and marshes. Alligators mostly live in fresh water wetlands, but sometimes alligators live in brackish water. Brackish water is water that has more saline or salt water than fresh water. Alligators can’t live in salt water because they do not have an effective salt gland. American alligators live in temperate climate with cold winters and warm summers. The average temperature is 50 degree Fahrenheit a year and 40 to 60 inches of rainfall... ...and food. Their skin is used to make high quality leather. In 1950, American alligators were seriously endangered because humans were over hunting alligators. Then in 1967, the endangered species preservation act stopped the hunting of alligators and the number of alligators quickly rose. Now there are millions of alligators and people are allowed to hunt alligators again. Alligators are losing their habitat because wetlands are being filled to create land for houses, farms, and industries. Alligators are very dangerous animals to humans. Alligator attacks occur around seven times a year, but few are lethal. When people feed them, alligators learn not to be afraid of humans. This causes more alligator attacks and alligators to become more aggressive with humans. Ninety percent of all alligator attacks are caused from people feeding alligators. (langly,2005)

Comparing and Contrasting Machiavelli’s Ideas

Question: Two Word Count: 1000 Karl Marx and Niccolo Machiavelli are interested in two completely different forms of government. Yet both philosophers share many of the same key terms. They both understand the power and importance of deceit, and how it is gained. They also are equally opinionated when it comes to the subject of property and money. This essay will seek to explain, compare, and contrast Machiavelli’s ideas on power with Karl Marx’s ideas on Money. Marx believes that money has a misused transformative power in Bourgeois society, one which he argues, that we are currently subjected to.He claims that, â€Å"Money is the pimp between man’s need and the object, between his life and his means of life. But that which mediates my life for me, also mediates the existence of other people for me. † (page 136 Economic And Philosophic Manuscripts) Here he is saying that in this peculiar political economy, money is the only universal means of actualizing the needs and means of life for man. Money is so eminent and necessary that it not only mediates if or when your needs are meant, but it influences the way you see others and the way others see you.Marx goes on to say, â€Å"That which is for me through the medium of money-that for which I can pay†¦-that am I, the possessor of the money. † (page 137 Economic and Philosophic Manuscripts) Basically money has the unnatural effect of creating an authentic mirage of someone through its buying power. Marx goes on to list ways in which money can nullify natural deficiencies of a certain person, and thus contrary to human nature. Throughout the rest of the passage, [The Power of Money in Bourgeois Society], Marx cites similar examples that all lead to the conclusion that money â€Å"is the general confounding and compounding of all things. (page 140 Economic and Philosophic Manuscripts) That is to say, the ability of money to act on â€Å"all natural and human qualities† in two incompatible ways, that is compounding and confounding, is a bad things. It causes friction and complacency at the same time, which is unnatural. Marx wishes to rid us of the use of money and its effects in a Bourgeois Society because it is wholly unnatural, deceitful, and allows people to have disingenuous characteristics. Niccolo Machiavelli knows the importance of deceit to the ruling class too.Machiavelli says â€Å"It is not essential, then, that a Prince should have all the good qualities which I have enumerated above, but it is most essential that he should seem to have them,† (page 46 The Prince) because â€Å"men in general judge rather by the eye than the hand. † (page 47 The Prince) To Marx, money allows this type of transformative deception; however, to Machiavelli this ability seems to be more of a character trait. Machiavelli says this can be achieved by appearing to be the â€Å"embodiment of mercy, good faith, integrity, humanity, and religion. (page 47 The Prince) The first four characteristics, he says are the least important when compared to the last. Appearing religious is achievable by being complacent to the Catholic Church and wearing the â€Å"cloak of religion†, according to Machiavelli. This â€Å"cloak of religion† allows â€Å"pious cruelty†, and with his cloak a prince appears justified in his actions, no matter how cruel. (page 59 The Prince). Marx also knows the power of religion to quell the lower class, as the cliche goes, â€Å"Religion is the opium of the people. (Lecture Notes 3/6/13) Religion keeps the poor pacified because they are living for a better afterlife. They are also willing to blindly follow religious/political leaders in order not to obscure these chances. Both philosophers understand that money and religion can be deceptive. Machiavelli wishes to utilize this power in accord with dishonest characteristics to keep his subjects pacified. Marx wishes to point out this m ost unnatural power and free the Proletariat from its grasp.Niccolo Machiavelli also understands the power of money, when it comes to the conservation of power. Both political philosophers agree that the best government should not be rapacious. This perceived agreement is actually in stark contrast. Machiavelli believes that a prince should not, â€Å"burden his subjects with extraordinary taxes, and to resort to confiscations and all the other shifts whereby money is raised†, (page 41 The Prince) because rapacity â€Å"breeds hate as well as ignominy. (page 42 The Prince) To avoid this type of public condemnation Machiavelli proposes that a prince should be surreptitiously miserly and avoid â€Å"interfering with the property†¦ of his subjects, than in any other way. † (page 47 The Prince) Machiavelli is saying that the less a prince interferes with his subject’s money and property, the more likely his reign will succeed. As I have said, Karl Marx disagre es with Machiavelli’s ideas on what the best government should be restrictive of. In the first two measures of the Manifesto of theCommunist Party Frederick Engels and Marx state that one, â€Å"Abolition of property in land and application of all rents of land to public purposes†, and two, â€Å"A heavy progressive or graduated income tax†, (page 230 Economic and Philosophic Manuscripts) are key for a successful revolution of the Proletariat. These measures, along with the other eights purpose, is to rid society of class distinction. Marx wishes to rid society of private property, under the Bourgeoisie’s power, because it is the product of â€Å"class antagonism,† and the â€Å"realization† of â€Å"alienated labor† by an â€Å"alienated man. (page 81 Economic and Philosophic Manuscripts) The heavy progressive taxes would work to equalize all income. These measures set out by Marx may seem clutching, but they are only meant to restr ict the power of the Bourgeoisie. Marx’s perfect form of government would allow workers to keep the product of their labor, that is â€Å"the objectification of [their] labor†, instead of it being appropriated by the Bourgeoisie, which ultimately leads to the alienation of the laborer from the world, himself, and fellow man. Economic and Philosophic Manuscripts pages 71-72) So Marx’s communism is rapacious, but only in the interest of preventing unjust rapacity by the Bourgeoisie. Marx’s measures are in obvious conflict with Machiavelli because of the two philosopher’s preference and understanding of government. Machiavelli wishes to appease his subjects to a certain extent, whereas, Marx wants the subjugated proletariat to become a public power without political character. But they both do not want anybody grabbing, what they respectively perceive, as someone else’s.They also understand the power and importance of deceit, although they have somewhat different ideas on how it is achieved. Machiavelli and Marx comparatively are on the opposite side of the coin. Marx represents the suppressed proletariat and wishes to free them. Machiavelli is advising Princes on how to pacify his subjects. These differences are irreconcilable, but hopefully this paper has clearly explained each philosopher’s arguments and given a better idea of how they might be compared.

Changes in Gender Inequality in Canada in Sports Essay

Society expects males and females to fulfill specific gender roles – â€Å"attitudes and activities that society links to each sex†. Males are expected to be ambitious, strong, independent and competitive, which â€Å"encourages males to seek out positions of leadership and play team sports†. And females are expected to be deferential, emotional, attractive, quiet and obedient, â€Å"supportive helpers and quick to show their feelings† (Macionis and Gerber, 2011:300). These traditional stereotypes have been challenged and confronted by many women and feminists, and in this paper we are going to look specifically in sports and physical activities. My thesis statement will be that gender inequality has been decreasing over the last 100 years. Women were slowly starting to participate in all sports which were considered to be masculine, and were only available for men to enjoy. One of the first factors which could be linked to the emancipation of women in sport in late 1800 – early 1900s is the safety bicycle. It not only caused a revolution in women’s fashions: women’s sportswear was finally being designed to accommodate more vigorous activity, but â€Å"was also a â€Å"vehicle† through which women broke with traditions and asserted their independence† (Hall and Richardson, 1982: 32-33). Slowly more organizations, sports clubs and tournaments were opening up for women. In the early 1900s, women started to participate in most forms of sport, but were still prohibited from activities there body contact was possible. Period after the World War I and throughout the 1920s was really exciting for sportswomen in Canada and their fans. â€Å"This often called the â€Å"golden age† of women’s sports, it was time when popular team sports like basketball, ice hockey, and softball became sufficiently organized to hold provincial and Dominion championships; when the best athletes, especially in track in field, began to complete internationally and eventually at the Olympic Games; and when women leaders and administrators took control of women’s sports, claiming they knew what was the best for girls and women, although the advice of the man was still needed† (Hall, 2002: 42). In the 1928 Canadian women have joined Olympics in Amsterdam for the first time for the track and field competition. In the mid 1930s â€Å"depression tightened its grip on Canada and the were signs that the Golden Age was over. Reactionary attitudes towards athletic competition for females was taking hold; commercialized professional sport for men was on the rise, meaning that men’s sports were given priority of access to public facilities. Spectators were drawn away from the women’s games to the exclusively male professional sports like ice hockey, football, baseball; it became increasingly difficult to find sponsors for women’s amateur sport† (Hall and Richardson, 1982: 36). World War II took its toll on both men’s and women’s sports. Although many of leagues continued to exist, nobody took athletics seriously. Olympic Games did not start again till 1948. † Post war conservatism has been described by Betty Friedan: women should desire â€Å"no great destiny than to glory in their own femininity†. Careers or commitments outside of their home were unnecessary for their personal fulfillment and undesirable for the satisfactory performance of the housewife role† (Lenskyj, 1986: 83) For the duration of war women were occupying men’s jobs and were laid off as soon as men returned home to resume the rightful place. It was still alright for women to participate in â€Å"beauty producing† sports like figure skating, synchronized swimming, or gymnastics and as long as they looked pretty and feminine on the tennis, badminton courts, golf courses, and ski hills, they were not criticized. But women athletes which were â€Å"sweating on the basketball courts, softball pitches, ice hockey rinks, and the cinder tracks were suspect, their femininity continually questioned† (Hall, 2002: 109). Participation in school, university and community sporting programs however, was hardly likely to pose a threat to femininity. Basketball continued for the most part to be played by girl’s rules. Softball, an already simplified version of baseball, was in some cases was modified further for girls and women. In the 1960s not only women’s femininity was being questions but also their sexuality. In the 1966 the first official â€Å"sex tests† were introduced, with three gynecologists visual examination to confirm that athletes genital sex was, in fact female. â€Å"The introduction of sex tests coincided with significant advances for women in terms of their participation at the Olympic Games, with number of them increasing dramatically throughout the 1960s and 1970s.† For example at the summer Olympics, the 800 meter running was reintroduced in the 1960s. Women’s volleyball, the first team event for women was introduced in1964, along with pentathlon and 400 meter individual medley, swimming event. The 1968 Olympics in Mexico City six more swimming events were introduced and in the 1972 at Munich, the 1500 – meter run, 4Ãâ€"400 meter track relay, and kayak slalom were introduced. So the number of women on Canada’s Olympic team has increased from 11.30 to 22.6 per cent for the Summer Olympic between 1960 and 1972, and from 21.4 to 38.3 per cent for the Winter Olympic Games during the same period. Sex testing at the Olympics originally was called â€Å"femininity control† and was trying to determine who was genetically female, because prior to that where has been a lot of men who were trying to pose as women, which was only found out after the fact and also women athletes were becoming more â€Å"masculine†, therefore it had to be proved that they were actually females (Hall, 2002: 153 -159).The sex testing did not stop until the 1998 Olympic Games in Nagano. By the mid-1970 all across Canada parents started noticing that their daughters were not being treated the same way as their sons when it came to recreational and sporting opportunities by the late 1970s there has been a lot of sports related complaints of sex discrimination. The majority of these cases were involving young girls who wished to play on all male sports teams. The main value of these human rights cases was to bring public interest, concern and â€Å"pressure to bear on eliminating unequal, sex discriminatory sport and recreation programs† (Hall, 2002: 163) In March 1981 Canadian Association for the Advancement of Women and Sport(CAAWS) was established. It started providing women athletes with funding and support. And finally â€Å"in 1982 women were granted equal protection and equal benefit of the law in the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms† (Macionis and Gerber, 2011: 305). Beginning of the 1990s in the most areas of organizational life including sports, has been a subtle shift from â€Å"equality† to â€Å"equity†. â€Å"Gender equity is the principle and practice of fair and equitable allocation of resources and opportunities for both females and males. This eliminates discriminatory practices that prevent the full participation of either gender† (Larkin and Baxter, 1993: 4) In the past decade Canadian women are participating almost in all sports on competitive levels. â€Å" In 1998, in Nagano, Japan, women’s hockey was an official Olympic sport for the first time, and world of Canadian women’s hockey changed forever. The game that originated in Canada had become part of our collective identity, continues to be our most popular sport and it is now played by women – legitimately!† (Macionis and Gerber, 2011:320) Canadian women Hockey team has won Olympic gold medal 3 times in a row: 2002 Olympics in Salt Lake City, 2006 Olympics in Turin, and 2010 Olympic Games in Vancouver. Their achievements have been absolutely amazing. They have showed that they force to be reckoned with. They actually have done better than Canadian male Olympic team. In this 2012 Olympics Games in London, England for the first time women’s boxing is going to be introduced. And there has been controversy of women should wear shorts or skirts. The Amateur International Boxing Association (AIBA) requested that female boxers wear skirts so that would make them more elegant – on the trial basis – at the European Championships and for permanent use in the Olympics. One of Canadian boxers Elizabeth Plank, told Teddy Katz of CBC radio sports news this January: â€Å"Forcing women to wear skirts, I think, it’s sexism†. Eventually AIBA have decided to have optional for female athletes to decide if they want to wear skirts or shorts. (CBC Sports) As we are able to see gender stereotypes and discrimination in sports still exists. Women still do not get as much Media coverage as men do. They are still making smaller salaries than their male counterparts. Women athletes still have to look beautiful and attractive or they might be stereotyped as being lesbian, butch or masculine, if there are not. What about the future? It seems that future for Canadian women athletes seems bright. There are much more opportunities that are coming up for women in sports, for example in the Winter Olympics in Sochi in 2014, Russia – the addition of women’s ski jumping has been approved. Women are going to keep fighting for the equal rights to participate in sports events without being criticized to be unfeminine. Daniels (2009) argues that femininity –masculinity divide still prevents women athletes to be taken seriously in their sports. And the best would be to embrace the polygendered way of being, which emphasizes the similarities between women and men, and that way female athletes will be given the chance to achieve their full sporting potential and be judged for performance, rather than their appearance. References 1. Baxter, Betty and Larkin, Jackie.1993. Towards Gender Equity for Women in Sport. ON: CAAWS. 2. CBC Sports, Feb 19, 2002 (http://www.cbc.ca/sports/story/2012/02/19/sp-aiba-boxing-skirts.html) 3. Daniels, Dayna B. 2009. Polygendered and Ponytailed. Toronto: Women’s Press. 4. Hall, Ann M. 2002. The Girl and the Game†. ON: Broadview Press Ltd. 5. Hall, Ann M and Richardson, Dorothy A. 1982. Fair Ball. Ottawa: The Canadian Advisory Council on the Status of Women. 6. Lenskyj, Helen.1986. Women, Sport and Sexuality. Toronto: Women’s Press. 7. Macionis, John J and Gerber, Linda, M. 2011. Sociology.7th ed. Toronto: Pearson Canada Inc.